"The 'Hispanic' Race Debate: Limitations of the Term in an Orlando School Board Controversy"
About the AuthorKristi McDuffie is a Ph.D. Student in English Studies at Illinois State University with a focus on Rhetoric and Composition. Her research interests center on rhetorics of race, Latin@ rhetorics, language ideologies, and digital literacies. Her publications to date have explored writing center pedagogy, narrative discourse in television, and models of literacy in young adult dystopian fiction. Contents |
Hispanic as an EthnicityThe debate over whether Hispanics should be represented on the board is based on whether "Hispanic" is a race or an ethnicity, since the school board committee is required by law to be comprised of half "white" and half "black" members. The government definition of "Hispanic" is based on national origin, and thus interpreted as an ethnicity, rather than a race, and many comments to the news articles reflect that legal definition:
Both the school board and the responding commentators may be sticking to the inadequate definition of "Hispanic" because it benefits them in some way. The school board, for instance, does not have motivation or funds to change a committee that was not even meeting at the time of the protest. It would be time-consuming and expensive to pay for legal costs to try to change the court order, particularly when the school board was trying to lessen oversight, not increase it. In fact, the committee came to public attention because of the school board’s attempts to dismantle federal oversight by seeking court approval for unitary status. The lack of representation for Hispanics extends beyond this specific committee, as evidenced by the makeup of the school board itself, which includes seven white members and one black member (“School Board Information”). Although it is possible that some members are of Hispanic origin, there is nothing to indicate that in their biographies (“School Board Information”). It is also troubling that blacks did not support Hispanics’ desire for inclusion. Randolph Bracy, President of the Orange County NAACP, prefers that the mandate for the biracial committee stand due to its “deep historical roots” (Ramos, “To Join”). Like whites, blacks seem to feel threatened by the potential added representation of another minority group. The online comments illustrate the irony of the NAACP not supporting Hispanics’ desire for inclusion:
White community members who wrote the majority of the forum comments mimic this negative response against inclusion most likely because they perceive it as threatening. Linda Martín Alcoff argues that whites are often threatened by “ethnic and racial identities” (26). Mistreated minorities’ demands for attention based on group identity bring a challenging counterdiscourse to the positive narrative that supports the U.S.’s historical expansion and domination (Alcoff 26). Furthermore, whites perceive the existence of group identity as a demand for resources, whether that claim is actually made or not (Alcoff 26). The fact that many respondents posting anonymous comments are annoyed at the request to include Hispanics on the committee supports Alcoff’s claim. In fact, this request for attention and representation leads many respondents to make anti-immigration comments:
A number of comments focus specifically on the legitimacy and citizenship status of Puerto Ricans:
These respondents are not commenting upon the issue at hand—they are expressing prejudicial views that often emerge in debates surrounding Hispanics. This anti-immigration rhetoric illustrates the subjugated position that Hispanics often face in the U.S. As Oboler has stated, Hispanics are often treated as second-class citizens, regardless of their actual immigration status, country of origin, or language. The idea of Hispanic inclusion as threatening also results in comments about reverse racism:
Jane Hill found similar themes in her analysis of commentary about the word “squaw.” Hill writes, “Many Americans, especially Whites, oppose any racial preferences, especially so-called ‘affirmative-action.’ The idea that affirmative action makes Whites victims of ‘reverse racism’ erases any notion of White power or privilege, and casts White males especially as victims” (79). Hill explains that a focus on race and racial terms is a “violation of a code of colorblindness” according to a folk theory of racism (80). The above comments demonstrate people who adhere to color-blind racial ideology when Hispanics claim that by asking for inclusion, they are engaging in reverse racism. [2] In including message board comments in this essay, I have retained the original grammar, spelling, and punctuation of the people posting. Rather than using an approach of inserting "[sic]" after each misspelling, this footnote's explanation covers all instances in transcribed user comments.
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